The permanent revolution, in the sense that Marx gave this idea, it means a revolution that does not agree to any form of class domination, that does not stop at the stage becomes democratic and socialist demands of opening the open warfare against the reaction, a revolution in which each stage is based on the above and can not complete more than full payment of class society.
order to dispel the chaos that surrounds the theory of permanent revolution, we need to split up the three sets of ideas clustered in this theory.
First, it contains the problem of transition from democratic to socialist revolution. There is another, in essence, the historical origin of the theory.
The idea of \u200b\u200bpermanent revolution was made by the great communist of the mid-nineteenth century by Marx and his followers, as opposed to democratic ideology, which, as is known, claims that with the establishment of a State "rational" democratic or not is no problem that can not be resolved through peaceful, reformist or progressive. Marx regarded the bourgeois revolution of 1848 only as a prelude to the proletarian revolution. And, although "a mistake", his mistake was a simple error of application not methodological. The Revolution of 1848 was changed into a socialist. Rather it did not lead to democracy. As for the German Revolution of 1918, clearly was not the culmination of the democratic bourgeois revolution, but the proletarian revolution beheaded by social democracy, or, to put it more precisely: a bourgeois counter forced by circumstances to take, after victory of the proletariat, pseudo-forms.
The "Marxism" vulgar created a historical scheme under which every bourgeois society sooner or later conquer a democratic regime in the shadow of which the proletariat, taking advantage of the conditions created by democracy, organized and educated gradually to socialism. However, the transition to socialism was not conceived for all identically: the sincere reformers (type Jaures) represented it as a kind of foundation reformist socialist democracy with seeds. Formal revolutionaries (Guesde) recognized that in the transition to socialism would inevitably apply revolutionary violence. But both the others considered to democracy and socialism, in every town, as two stages in the evolution of society is not only independent, but distant from one another.
dominant idea was the same between Russian Marxists, who by 1905 were almost all in the left wing of the Second International. Plekhanov, the brilliant founder of Russian Marxism, was a delusion to implant the idea in Russia a dictatorship of the proletariat. At the same point of view is placed not only the Mensheviks, but also the vast majority of Bolshevik leaders, and especially all those who today are at the head of the party, without exception, all of which were for "revolutionary democrats determined to whom the problems of the socialist revolution, not just in 1905, but on the eve of 1917, the music sounded like a vague too distant future.
The theory of revolution permanent in 1905, declared war on these ideas, showing that the democratic tasks of driving backward bourgeois nations in our time, the dictatorship of the proletariat, and that it placed the agenda of the socialist demands. In this was the central idea of \u200b\u200bthe theory.
If the opinion of the proletariat was going through a prolonged period of democracy, the theory of permanent revolution came to proclaim that, in backward countries, the path of democracy passed through the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus, democracy was still an intrinsic value system for decades and became the prelude immediate socialist revolution, united both by a continuous link. Among the democratic revolution and the socialist transformation of society was established, therefore, a permanent revolutionary pace.
The second aspect of the theory characterized as a socialist revolution as such. Over a period of indefinite duration and a constant internal struggle, are transforming all social relations. The company undergoes a process of metamorphosis. And in this transformation process, each new stage is a direct consequence of the above. This process preserves necessarily a political nature, or what is it, unfolds through the clash of different groups changing society. In the explosion of civil war and foreign wars happen reform periods "peaceful." The revolutions of the economy, technology, science, family, customs, thrive in a complex interaction that allows society to achieve equilibrium. Therein lies the permanent character of the socialist revolution as such.
The international character of the socialist revolution which is the third aspect of the theory of permanent revolution is the inevitable consequence of the current state of the economy and social structure of humanity. Internationalism is not an abstract principle but only a theoretical and political reflection of the global economy, global development of the productive forces and the global reach of the class struggle. The socialist revolution begins within national borders, but can not be contained in them. Containment of the proletarian revolution in a country can not be more than a transitional, albeit prolonged, as evidenced by the experience of the Soviet Union. However, the existence of an isolated proletarian dictatorship, the internal and external contradictions grow parallel to the successes. Continuing isolation, the proletarian state would fall, sooner or later, victim to these contradictions. Your salvation is only to make the triumph of the proletariat in the most progressive. Viewed from this perspective, the socialist revolution in a country implemented an end in itself but only a link in the international chain. The international revolution represents him, despite all the temporary ebb, an ongoing process.
epigones attacks are directed, though not with equal clarity, against the three aspects of the theory of permanent revolution. And could it be otherwise, since it is inseparable parts of a whole. The mechanically separated followers democratic dictatorship of socialist, national socialist revolution internationally. The conquest of power within national borders for them, at bottom, not the initial act, but the final stage of the revolution, then opens a period of reform leading to national socialist society.
in 1905 did not support the idea that not be possible for the proletariat seize power in Russia earlier than in Western Europe. In 1917 he preached a revolution of democratic content and rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the years 1925 to 1927 before the Revolution take the orientation of China's national movement led by the national bourgeoisie. Then, they call for this country slogan of the democratic dictatorship of the workers and peasants, opposing the dictatorship of the proletariat, and proclaim the possibility of proceeding to build a complete socialist society and isolated in the Soviet Union. For them, the world revolution, the victory condition is not just a fortunate circumstance. The followers have come to this radical break with Marxism after a lifelong struggle against the theory of permanent revolution.
The fight started artificially reviving historical memories and falsifying the distant past, has led to the complete transformation of the concepts of the leading sector. We have already explained more than once this value review was carried out under the influence of the social needs of the Soviet bureaucracy, which has been becoming more conservative, more and more concerned with maintaining the national and prone to demand that the revolution made, and that assures it a privileged position, is considered sufficient to proceed with the peaceful construction of socialism. We insist here on this topic. Only that the bureaucracy has a deep awareness of how they relate to their material and ideological positions with the theory of national socialism. This is manifested by a special importance now, when the Stalinist apparatus, spurred by the contradictions that did not anticipate, is oriented with all his might to the left, striking hard blows to his right-inspiring yesterday. The hostility of the bureaucrats against the Marxist opposition, which had to hastily borrow their slogans and arguments, has not budged at all, as is known. Of those opposition members raised the issue of re-entry into the Party to support the policy of industrialization, etc., The first thing required is to abjure the theory of permanent revolution and to recognize, if only indirectly by the theory of socialism in one country. With this, the bureaucracy Stalinist reveals the purely tactical his turn to the left, and how this does not mean a waiver of the national-reformist strategic rationale. No need to stop and explain the significance of this: it is known that in politics as in war, the tactic is always ultimately subordinate to the strategy.
Source: Trotsky, Leon. The Permanent Revolution. Translation of Andreu Nin. Madrid: Ediciones Júcar, 1976. EMILIO SELECTION TOMASSINI
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